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One task is to redefine workers’ rights for an era of flexibility and service work. The size and novelty of the gig economy is often overstated; taxis and food deliveries existed before Uber and DoorDash. But service-sector employment, especially caregiving, will grow as populations age. There is no place for the snobbish idea that such jobs cannot be fulfilling, nor the related instinct that experimental models of work should be regulated out of existence. Instead governments should modernise the guardrails provided by employment law, offer a universal safetynet and ensure that the economy is strong. If they do, workers will have the confidence and bargaining power to experiment and negotiate for themselves.
其中一个任务就是重新定义劳动者的权利，以适应当今灵活的就业形势以及蓬勃发展的服务业。零工经济不论从规模上还是新颖程度上都有些名过其实。出租车和送餐服务比网约车和外卖更早出现。但服务业的就业岗位会随着人口老龄化继续增长，尤其是护理行业。一些人认为这样的工作没有价值，还有一些人认为这类试验性的工作没有必要，这两种观点都很片面，根本站不住脚。政府应该优化劳动法提供的保障条款，使之更加现代化，并提供全面覆盖的安全网，保证经济势头持久强劲。如此一来，劳动者们就可以充满信心和底气，涉足试验性的就业领域并协调自身利益。
Productivity can also be unleashed by broadening access to opportunities. Many rich world labour markets are divided between the high and low skilled. That is tolerable so long as anyone can climb the ladder. Governments have a responsibility to ensure meritocratic access to education and sufficient opportunities for retraining. They should tear down barriers to entry such as need less occupational licensing rules—the legal and medical professions, for example, should not be allowed to pull up the draw bridge to outsiders. It should be easy to experiment with new digital and crossborder business models.
拓宽就业机会也将进一步释放生产力。很多发达国家的劳动力市场技术构成两级分化，高技能和低技能的工作之间存在着鸿沟，但这个鸿沟并非不可跨越， 这也是人们长期以来能够忍受这种分化的原因。政府有责任保障教育和培训的机会均等，消除一些行业的准入限制，如不必要的证书等——法律和医疗领域不应该拿证书阻碍想要加入的人。尝试新的数字和跨境商业模式不应该困难重重。
But helping workers by boosting productivity must not be confused with self-defeating attempts to protect them—as happened the last time they had the upper hand, in the 1970s. Repatriating supply chains, as Mr Biden would, will inhibit competition and grind down living standards. Cranking up corporate taxes too far will reduce the incentive for firms to invest . For central banks to lose their inflation fighting credibility would be a disaster. Just ask the workers who bore the brunt of efforts to tame prices in the 1980s.
但是，通过刺激生产力来帮助劳动者也要遵循一定之规，否则不但不能保护他们，甚至还会弄巧成拙。劳动者们上一次掌握话语权的20世纪70年代就是一个例子。如果像拜登总统所要求的那样，将供应链撤回美国。这将阻碍竞争，并降低生活标准。一味的增加公司税会导致企业投资减少。而央行也会失去控制通货膨胀的信誉，这将导致严重的灾难。20世纪80年代的劳动者们就饱受物价飞涨带来的冲击，没人比他们更了解其中的利害了。
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